Virginians Want Their Change Back

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The latest preliminary figures from the Virginia Department of Revenue put the current general fund budget surplus at more than $5.1 billion for fiscal year 2023, which ended June 30. This is more than double the $1.94 billion surplus the commonwealth posted in 2022. This huge surplus is money left over after every single item in the state budget was fully funded under the amended 2022 Appropriation Act, including education, health and welfare, transportation, public safety, and every department and program funded with state tax dollars.

This unprecedented revenue surplus was largely due to higher-than-expected payroll withholding of individual income taxes (which are still not indexed to inflation), as well as corporate and sales taxes.

In other words, Virginia taxpayers were overcharged $5.1 billion over the past two years and $3 billion more than the commonwealth’s own 2023 revenue forecast. And yet some members of the General Assembly, all of whom are up for re-election in November, don’t want to give any of it back.

This is akin to a merchant refusing to hand over the change when a customer paid more than the agreed-upon price of a purchased item. Virginians would be irate if a restaurant, bar, grocery store, or other private establishment decided to keep the change because the business might “need” the extra money in the future. Yet the General Assembly is attempting to do the same thing on a much larger scale.

The record budget surplus also undermines the argument that lowering taxes results in reduced state revenue. As Governor Glenn Youngkin pointed out, “Last year we provided $4 billion of tax relief for individuals, families, and veterans. What this year’s preliminary numbers tell us is that even after that historic tax package the Commonwealth ended fiscal year 2023 with $5.1 billion in excess resources, far more than forecasted.”

California is learning the hard way that overtaxing residents has unintended consequences. Unlike Virginia, California is now facing a $31.5 billion budget deficit after posting a $100 billion surplus just last year. But the state legislature spent all the surplus funds instead of returning the excess money to taxpayers. And wealthy Californians took notice.

In fact, in what is being called “The Great Wealth Migration,” the Golden State now has the largest net negative tax income migration in the U.S., losing $343.2 million in tax revenue as high-worth individuals took their money and moved to more tax- and business-friendly states such as Florida, Texas, and Arizona.

These are individuals who not only pay the bulk of state income taxes (the top 1 percent in California pay 50 percent of all state income taxes) but also have the means to start businesses and hire workers. Their loss is hard to replace.

In Virginia, after reaching an impasse in June, budget negotiators from the Republican-controlled House of Delegates and the Democrat-controlled state Senate met again in an attempt to iron out their differences. Republicans support Gov. Youngkin’s tax refund proposal; Democrats do not.

The Thomas Jefferson Institute for Public Policy has recommended that GOP legislators refuse to bargain away a tax refund this year. If the economy goes south or the commonwealth faces dire reductions in revenue, state legislators can cut spending, adjust taxes or do whatever is necessary at that time to make up the difference. They’ve done it before and they can do it again if necessary.

But allowing the commonwealth to overcharge taxpayers to the tune of $5.1 billion in unappropriated funds sets a terrible precedent. It tells future lawmakers that they can overcharge taxpayers with impunity.

Virginian taxpayers paid for everything the General Assembly included in their last budget. Now they want their change back. It’s as simple as that.

Barbara Hollingsworth is Visiting Fellow with the Thomas Jefferson Institute for Public Policy. She can be reached at [email protected]. 

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Why Dominion is Calm in Wind Energy Storm

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With growing turmoil in the offshore wind industry finally being reported, it would be nice to turn the clock back a year and revisit the State Corporation Commission’s failed 2022 effort to impose a real performance standard on Dominion Energy Virginia’s $10 billion, 176-turbine project. No such luck, Virginia.

While two projects in New England’s waters are under active construction, and the Biden Administration’s Bureau of Ocean Energy Management is cranking out cookie-cutter approvals up and down the coast, major signs of financial stress are showing in many places. Some projects have been cancelled, some are being renegotiated for higher prices, and the proposal near North Carolina’s Kitty Hawk still lacks a buyer for its power.

Here is how Barron’s summarized the situation recently:

At least eight multinational companies in three states have quietly started to back out of wind contracts or ask to renegotiate deals in ways that will pass more costs to consumers. Beyond Shell (ticker: SHEL), they include BP (BP), Denmark’s Orsted (DNNGY), Norway’s Equinor (EQNR), Spain’s Iberdrola (IBDRY), Portugal’s Energias de Portugal (EDPFY), and France’s Engie (ENGIY) and state-owned Electricite de France.

The projects those companies are building will collectively cost tens of billions of dollars to construct and connect to the grid. The cost problems they’re facing make offshore wind a dicey investment proposition today, with the potential for substantial write-downs ahead.

The issues go beyond rising construction costs. Siemens Energy saw its stock plummet in late June after reporting maintenance issues with its products (here is the Wall Street Journal report.) And there is growing recognition that the long-term threat in a salt-water setting has always been corrosion.  It is cited as the leading cause of maintenance failures.

Dominion’s Coastal Virginia Offshore Wind (CVOW), on the other hand, seems to have avoided the storm. The utility reported to the SCC on May 1 that it believed its original price estimates and schedule were still accurate.

The same assertion was made as the utility applied to the SCC to increase the amount customers will pay monthly toward the coming construction. The SCC blessed an increase to $4.74 per month for a residential user with a 1,000-kilowatt hour bill, with actual power production still years away. If you have believed all the political hype about “rate relief,” September’s bill is going to be an awakening.

Dominion is a well-managed company and there is no reason to doubt it aggressively negotiated tight contracts with suppliers and has wisely hedged foreign currency issues. Even so, the bottom-line difference between CVOW and these other projects, the reason they are in heavy seas and CVOW is not, is Dominion’s stockholders are protected and the bulk of the risk lies with its 2.6 million ratepayers.

Dominion’s CVOW remains the only U.S. project to be fully owned by a monopoly utility and fully funded by its captive ratepayers. Only Virginia’s General Assembly has done that to citizens.

That is what the SCC tried hard to address a year ago, with some energy performance requirements Dominion complained would kill the project outright. Now we understand better why the utility warned the standards might be fatal.  All the independent wind energy generators mentioned by Barron’s do not have the same ability as a monopoly integrated utility to shield their stockholders, and those under deep pressure are (as they must) putting their stockholders first.

Fearing Dominion would cancel the project, Virginia’s political leadership lined up in bipartisan fashion behind a counter proposal they claimed would “protect ratepayers.” The deal basically gave the utility a green light to spend 40% more on construction (the construction risk, part of which Dominion did assume) and removed any financial penalty to the utility if the turbines do not produce the amount of electricity promised for the length of time promised (the performance risk.)

The final order where the SCC relented and accepted the counter proposal contained this one sentence, which clearly explains why all is calm down at Dominion headquarters, the industry turmoil elsewhere notwithstanding (emphasis added):

In addition, if the Project never becomes operational or is at some point abandoned {e.g. due to cost, construction, or operational issues that make it imprudent or impracticable to proceed), the Company has described how customers would still pay for costs incurred up to the point of abandonment. For example, even if the Project is abandoned at the end of 2023, Dominion still estimates it would have incurred close to $4 billion of costs to be recovered from customers.

That paragraph does not apply to Avangrid, Iberdrola, Siemens-Gamesa, BP, Orsted or any of the other private wind developers. It only applies to Dominion and its customers.  Creation of this risk is squarely on the members of the Virginia General Assembly who undercut the SCC’s authority to protect consumers over multiple bills and years and the governors of both parties who have seen mainly dollar signs in the coming forest of ocean turbines.

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Other States Have Updated How Schools Are Funded: Why Can’t Virginia?

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In an August 1 commentary published in The Richmond Times-Dispatch, Thomas Jefferson Institute Senior Advisor and former President Chris Braunlich looks at the recent education funding report issued by the Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission. He examines more closely a solution that would improve public education delivery to children, hold leaders accountable and gain the confidence of a taxpaying public.

Read Braunlich’s commentary in the Richmond Times-Dispatch by clicking here.

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Other States Have Updated How Schools Are Funded: Why Can’t Virginia?

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In an August 1 commentary published in The Richmond Times-Dispatch, Thomas Jefferson Institute Senior Advisor and former President Chris Braunlich looks at the recent education funding report issued by the Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission. He examines more closely a solution that would improve public education delivery to children, hold leaders accountable and gain the confidence of a taxpaying public.

Read Braunlich’s commentary in the Richmond Times-Dispatch by clicking here.

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Senators Claim “Voodoo Estimating” in Battle Over Tax Cuts

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Not only are the leading Virginia Senate budget negotiators adamantly opposed to providing Virginians with additional tax relief in this election year, but they are now hinting at partial roll back of one of the major individual tax reforms approved just last year.

When the 2022 General Assembly approved a major increase in the standard deduction used by most Virginia taxpayers, it applied a condition — that the underlying General Fund revenue had to continue to grow at least 5% in both fiscal years 2022 and 2023.  If it did not, the standard deduction for that year would be reduced again.  The revenue growth would be adjusted for the tax cuts, so the target was 5% growth before the revenue reductions those caused.

Meeting that trigger target for FY 2022 was easy in that year’s overheated economy.  Last week Governor Glenn Youngkin’s administration certified that the second target was also met, meaning the full standard deduction also applies for this tax year.  The goal was barely met, with growth of 5.1%, leading Democrats to accuse the Department of Taxation of “voodoo estimating.”

The accusation against the usually trusted tax staff was reported in a Richmond Times-Dispatch article.    It failed to address whether the Democrats plan to act on their suspicions, but why complain otherwise?  If they fight to certify the target was missed, and win, the standard deduction for a married couple filing jointly will drop by $1,000 and their tax bill rise $58.  A key Democrat dismissed it as “less than $30” but that is for an individual.

Yes, Virginia, this argument has gotten so petty some legislators are considering trying to claw back a $58 tax break to couples still dealing with the crushing inflation crisis.  Of course, the argument is not really about last year’s tax cut but the continuing stalemate over doing it again.  The state ended the fiscal year June 30 with billions in cash not dedicated to any purpose, and Youngkin and the House of Delegates want more tax relief.

The certification on meeting the standard deduction revenue target came in a July 25 letter to leading budget negotiators.  It reported that all the various tax changes made in 2022 ended up saving taxpayers (some prefer to say “costing the government”) over $2.5 billion in just one year.  Almost $1.4 billion of that represented lower personal income taxes, with the higher standard deduction accounting for $1 billion of that amount.

The accounting includes almost $1.1 billion that was passed out to taxpayers as individual rebates.  Whether or not that counts as a “tax policy adjustment” is highly debatable.  That was basically a spending item with a one-time impact and had zero impact on revenue.  In truth, it boosted revenue because it is safe to assume most taxpayers promptly spent it on some taxable item or service.

Remove that rebate from the calculation and the 2023 revenue growth target was easily met.  Another round of rebates is also being proposed as a response to the current cash surplus.  One-time rebates have become a bipartisan dodge used by legislators embarrassed by the state’s flush treasury but opposed to long term tax cuts.

What really upsets some legislators is how effectively Youngkin is rolling back the many and varied tax increases imposed by former Governor Ralph Northam when he enjoyed total partisan control of the legislature in 2020 and 2021.  You can see the impact by looking back at previous General Fund revenue results.

Remember, The General Fund is mainly income and sales taxes paid by both individuals and businesses, with a few smaller revenue streams thrown in.  Federal grants, transportation taxes, and college and hospital operating costs are accounted for as Non-General Funds in a different pot.  The Northam tax increases exploded the General Fund.  (He raised transportation taxes too, but that is not part of this discussion.)

For fiscal year 2020, before any of those tax changes passed, the state’s General Fund total was $21.7 billion.  A year later, in 2021, it hit $24.9 billion.  Another year and more tax increases later, it reached the recent peak of $28.9 billion.  The General Fund grew by one-third in two years despite the COVID pandemic and its related recession. How?  Tax increases.

According to the July 25 report from the Department of Taxation, absent the tax policy changes and the rebate the General Fund total would have been $30.4 billion for fiscal year 2023, another increase.  But with the tax policy changes and the rebate, the figure is now expected to be $27.9 billion.  The tax cuts prevented any increase in the General Fund collections from 2022 to 2023.

But the state’s bills have been paid with cash left over.  The amount collected in the past 12 months – after the Youngkin tax cuts — remained almost 28% higher than three years previously, before the wave of Northam tax increases.  Had there been no Youngkin tax cuts and no one-time rebate, the $30.4 billion in General Fund for the past 12 months would have represented a 40% increase in just three years.

The fear of recession that the spending advocates used to block tax cuts during the regular session has abated.  There is every reason to expect the General Fund to continue to grow even if some additional tax cuts are approved.  The voters need to be clearly asked which they prefer: additional tax cuts coupled with substantial growth in spending, or an even higher uptick in spending with no relief to the taxpayer.

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