Labor Force Participation Decline Might Be A Telling Story

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The jobless rate is at historic lows and certainly is an important economic barometer.
But looking at the labor force participation rate might be a more telling story.
That rate, which calculates the number of people employed or unemployed looking for work as a percentage of the total adult working-age population, has been steadily falling since 2000.
And based on the latest participation rate data, one has to wonder where has all the labor gone?
The labor participation rate is important because it is a broader measure than the unemployment rate in identifying the workers available to produce goods and services in an economy. In other words, it points to the potential of all productive workers in a society.
In addition, because overall economic growth is driven by increases in productivity and the labor force, the labor force participation rate is a driver of long-term economic growth.
The labor force participation rate also can impact wages.
A low unemployment rate is historically associated with rising wages because a reduced supply of available workers causes firms to raise wages to attract qualified workers. If the unemployment rate is low and the participation rate is rising, however, then more people are coming into the labor force to apply for the job openings and this new supply of workers can hold back wage growth.
The labor participation rate rose from 58.6% in January 1948 to a peak of 67.3% in the first three months of 2000 as baby boomers and more women entered the labor force.
Higher education levels, which are associated with increased participation in the economy, also rose over this period.
The percentage of people 25 years and older who completed high school or college rose from 33.1% in 1947 to 84.1% in 2000, according to U.S. Census Bureau.
Since the peak in 2000, however, participation rates have generally decreased.
The pace of decline accelerated after the Great Recession and hit a 38-year low of 62.4% in September 2015.
The declining labor force participation rate contributed to the slow economic recovery and tepid growth since the Great Recession.
Labor force participation stabilized in 2016 and the rate now stands at 63%, according to the latest data from July.
With these lower participation rates, wage growth has only recently begun to accelerate.
Many researchers have considered the reason behind the decline in participation and point to demographics as the main reason driver.
Economist Alan Krueger found that 65% of the decrease in the labor participation rate from 1997 through 2017 was caused by an aging population, according to a 2017 article published in the Brookings Papers on Economic Activity.
Partially due to the continued aging of the population, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics projects the labor force participation rate will decline further to 61% in 2026.
Low labor force participation implies that some of the labor resources in our economy are not being fully utilized. Those individuals could become productive members of the economy if the barriers they face are removed.
Participation rates vary across the country and the state.
When considering the prime-age labor force, 81.6% of the civilian population ages 25 through 54 were participating in the labor force in 2017, based on the American Community Survey estimates. During the same year, the participation rate was 83.2% in Virginia and 83.5% in the Richmond metro area.
The participation rate was slightly higher, at 86.8%, in Northern Virginia, presumably because of the higher education level of its population as well as the abundant opportunities.
In contrast, the participation rate of the prime-age labor force was 68.8% in Southside Virginia in 2017 and 69.7% in the southwestern part of the state where education levels are lower and job opportunities less plentiful.
This commentary originally appeared in the September 1 issue of The Richmond Times-Dispatch.
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Remembering Mike Thompson

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The Thomas Jefferson Institute has lost its Founder.
Mike Thompson, Founder, Chairman and Past President of the Thomas Jefferson Institute, passed away at Johns Hopkins the evening of September 7, surrounded by those he always knew were the most important people in his life — his family.
Mike was diagnosed with leukemia in October, 2018 and underwent a variety of treatments including a bone marrow transplant. Ironically, at his death, there were no longer any cancer cells in his bloodstream. But complications took their toll.
A visitation will be held from 2:00 pm to 4:00 pm and from 6:00 pm to 8:00 pm on Thursday, September 19th at the Fairfax Memorial Funeral Home, and the memorial service and reception will be held at 3:00 pm on Friday, September 20 at St. Andrews Episcopal Church. In lieu of flowers, donations can be made in Mike’s name to the Leukemia and Lymphoma Society.
Mike Thompson got his start in youth politics, as a leader in the “Youth for Goldwater” movement, later joining the National Board of Young Americans for Freedom and leading the Student Committee for Victory in Vietnam. A passion for youth involvement continued throughout his life, especially as vice chairman of The Fund for American Studies which teaches the principles of limited government and free-market economics to students and young professionals in America and, indeed, throughout the world.
Nothing thrilled Mike more than to see a high school or college student actively engaged in conservative politics and advocacy.
To him, it was the hope of a better future.
Mike started and built his own company — the Thompson Creative Marketing Group — which helped advance the conservative cause by marketing ideas and candidates throughout the country. His vocation echoed his leadership in the Virginia Republican Party, and he was named by Campaigns and Elections magazine as one of the 30 most influential Republicans in Virginia.
His advocacy of the free market system also found him as chairman of the Virginia Leadership Council, the state’s Board of Directors for the National Federation of Independent Business (NFIB), the nation’s largest small business organization.
Active in his community, service on several Fairfax County commissions and task forces, and a three-time president of the Springfield District Council (an organization representing over 200 homeowner associations), the man was tireless – as anyone who received his emails time-stampled at two o’clock in the morning already knows.
Most men, when they retire …. retire. Instead, Mike launched the Thomas Jefferson Institute for Public Policy, where he continued the battle to make a difference by developing Virginia-oriented public policy solutions based on free markets, limited government and individual responsibility.
The breadth of Mike Thompson’s ideas and interests was stunning. The lives he touched and inspired are countless. And the stories he could tell were without limit.
Mike is survived by his wife Katherine, daughter Liza Graves, son Michael Junior, and five grandchildren.
All of us at the Thomas Jefferson Institute are profoundly saddened at the passing of our friend and Founder, Michael W. Thompson.
But we take comfort in remembering the words of Walter Lippman: “The final test of a leader is that he leaves behind him in other men the conviction and the will to carry on.”
From Youth for Goldwater to the Thomas Jefferson Institute, Mike Thompson left hundreds, if not thousands, with those same convictions and the same will to carry on.
May he Rest In Peace.

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Voters Should Say “No” to New Carbon Tax

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Virginia should not join the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative. 
Virginia’s participation in the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI) carbon tax is now fully authorized under a new state regulation, and the deadline to appeal that regulation has passed with no appeal filed.  Only the one-vote Republican margin in the two General Assembly chambers keeps Virginia out of RGGI at this time.
The text of the regulation is here. With full participation in RGGI a key Democratic campaign promise in the November elections, the Thomas Jefferson Institute for Public Policy has prepared a summary document providing additional information on just what that entails and how the RGGI process might work in Virginia.  You can read or download that here.
This is too important an issue to be decided by regulation. The Virginia General Assembly has acted correctly in voting on RGGI membership (voting no, so far).  It will be equally within the legislature’s purview to vote yes in 2020 for Virginia to move forward.  
Voting yes would be a mistake.  The stated goal of RGGI, reduced carbon emissions from electrical generation plants, is already being achieved.  There is little or no marginal benefit to Virginia from RGGI membership and the carbon taxes imposed will harm the economy.  It will just be one more General Assembly-initiated increase in homeowner and business electric bills. 
In fact, RGGI’s carbon taxes will be only one way a new Democratic legislature might boost your energy costs.  Probably the best reason to ignore RGGI is that the environmental activists have moved beyond it, with bigger plans and higher consumer costs in the making. A 2019 bill labeled “Clean Energy Mandates” represented Virginia’s version of the various Green New Deal proposals around the country, and would have prohibited:

  • All new fossil-fuel generation in Virginia (natural gas as well as coal)
  • New fossil fuel import or export facilities in Virginia (a coal exporting state)
  • Fossil fuel exploration or drilling in Virginia

The bill would have required that 80 percent of electricity generation be from clean sources by 2028 and 100 percent by 2036, a far more aggressive goal than RGGI.  Similar promises are appearing in 2019 Democratic campaign literature, here in Virginia and around the country. Some version of the 2019 clean energy bill will likely pass in 2020 if the legislature changes hands.  
New Jersey had been a RGGI member, dropped out, and is now back in as of June, with its stated goal being 100% carbon-free electricity by 2050.  Here is New Jersey Governor Phil Murphy’s announcement on returning to RGGI last month, decrying all the lost carbon tax revenue since former Governor Chris Christie withdrew from RGGI.  Yes, RGGI is about carbon, but it is also about taxes. 
Virginia is part of an interstate wholesale electricity marketplace, PJM Interconnection LLC, which does not overlap with the RGGI states.  RGGI will not force Virginia utilities to buy power only from other RGGI states, and in fact the non-RGGI states will often be the source. The carbon emissions may merely migrate to those other states, a process called “leakage.”
The Virginia Manufacturers Association and the Virginia Coal and Energy Alliance had opposed the regulation during its adoption and filed notices of intent to appeal it to the Richmond Circuit Court. Both groups confirmed in late July that no appeals would be filed after all.  The next signal will come from the voters. 
Virginia coal and natural gas-fired power plants are the target of the regulation, which seeks to rapidly reduce the reliance of Virginia’s electricity generation plants on fossil fuels.  Virginia’s participation in RGGI starts with a cap of 28 million tons of CO2 emissions from the covered facilities, to be reduced by 30 percent over ten years. All electric customers large and small would feel the higher prices which some (but not all) expect RGGI to cause. 
The most recent RGGI auction was held June 5, with a price for CO2 allowances set at $5.62 per ton, up slightly from the previous auction and the highest price since $7.50 at the end of 2012.  Virginia’s regulation calls for the revenue from the purchase of allowances to return to utilities and eventually back to ratepayers, but another new provision in the state budget designates it as state general fund revenue.  Most other RGGI states spend the money on various programs, cementing its status as a carbon tax. 
Many in the Virginia General Assembly have similar plans.  Both the House and Senate considered and rejected 2019 bills to take the funds away from ratepayers and spend them on environmental priorities.  Those bills will also return and likely pass with a Democratic takeover. 
The General Assembly votes which inserted and then sustained the RGGI roadblock in the budget were straight party line, as were the votes on two other, vetoed bills that would have prevented any participation in RGGI without direct legislative approval.  Election rhetoric from both sides since indicates no softening of the positions. 
Virginia voters should tell legislative candidates that Virginia should not join RGGI. 

  • The carbon reduction goals are being achieved without it, in response to market demand. If carbon emission is a problem, the problem is shrinking in the electricity industry. 
  • Because not all the PJM Interconnect LLC states are also part of RGGI, carbon emissions will just move from Virginia to other nearby states (leakage).
  • The carbon tax will be paid by consumers, raising the cost of electricity.
  • Capital costs for early retirement of fossil-fuel plants and their replacement with non-carbon plants will be paid by consumers, raising the cost of electricity. 
  • The carbon-reduction goals of environmental activists are far more stringent than the reductions under RGGI. Their goal in joining RGGI is the tax revenue. 


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Virginia Ranks 2nd in Nation in Highway Performance and Cost-Effectiveness

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By Baruch Feigenbaum, Spence Purnell and M. Gregory Fields
Virginia’s highway system ranks 2nd in the nation in overall cost-effectiveness and condition, according to the Annual Highway Report by Reason Foundation. This is a 25-spot improvement from the previous report, where Virginia ranked 27th overall, as the number of structurally deficient bridges decreased and the state benefited from the report no longer measuring narrow rural arterial lanes (the state ranked 49th last year).
In safety and performance categories, Virginia ranks 10th in overall fatality rate, 16th in structurally deficient bridges, 39th in traffic congestion, 22nd in urban Interstate pavement condition and 14th in rural Interstate pavement condition.
On spending, Virginia ranks 12th in total spending per mile and 7th in capital and bridge costs per mile.
“To improve in the rankings, Virginia needs to reduce its traffic congestion. Virginia is in the bottom 15 of all states and has three of the most congested Interstate corridors in the country. Compared to neighboring states, the report finds Virginia’s overall highway performance is better than Maryland (ranks 39th), Tennessee (ranks 7th) and West Virginia (ranks 16th),” said Baruch Feigenbaum, lead author of the Annual Highway Report and assistant director of transportation at Reason Foundation. “Virginia is doing better than comparable states like Georgia (ranks 26th) and North Carolina (ranks 17th).”
Virginia’s best rankings are rural arterial pavement condition (6th) and urban fatality rate (6th).
Virginia’s worst rankings are urbanized area congestion (39th) and maintenance disbursements per mile (31st).
Virginia’s state-controlled highway mileage makes it the 3rd largest highway system in the country.
Virginia ranks 2nd in this year’s Annual Highway Report, a significant increase from last year. The state is able to maintain smooth pavement conditions with low overall disbursements.

Most states that rank in the top 20 are able to maintain a good quality system at a low overall cost. The state has also worked to significantly decrease its percentage of structurally deficient bridges. Virginia also benefited this year due to two changes in the metrics. Both the increased focus on fatality rate (the state typically has one of the lowest fatality rates outside the Northeast) and the elimination of the narrow arterial lanes category (Virginia ranked 49th last year) helped the state’s rankings. However, the state still has room for improvement. It’s urbanized area congestion ranking is 39th (or 12th worse).
Virginia may need to dedicate more of its resources to reducing congestion.
Reason Foundation’s Annual Highway Report measures the condition and cost-effectiveness of state-controlled highways in 13 categories, including pavement condition, traffic congestion, structurally deficient bridges, traffic fatalities, and spending (capital, maintenance, administrative, overall) per mile. 
The Annual Highway Report is based on spending and performance data submitted by state highway agencies to the federal government for 2016 as well as urban congestion data from INRIX and bridge condition data from the Better Roads inventory for 2017. For more details on the calculation of each of the 13 performance measures used in the report, as well as the overall performance measure, please refer to the appendix in the main report. The report’s dataset includes Interstate, federal and state roads but not county or local roads. All rankings are based on performance measures that are ratios rather than absolute values: the financial measures are disbursements per mile, the fatality rate is fatalities per 100 million vehicle-miles of travel, the urban congestion measure is the annual delay per auto commuter, and the others are percentages. For example, the state ranking 1st in structurally deficient bridges has the smallest percentage of structurally deficient bridges, not the smallest number of structurally deficient bridges.
This is the Virginia chapter of the Annual Highway Report, published by the Reason Foundation on August 22, 2019.
Baruch Feigenbaum is Assistant Director of Transportation Policy at Reason Foundation. He is a member of the Transportation Research Board Bus Transit Systems and Intelligent Transportation Systems Committees, Vice President of Membership for the Transportation and Research Forum Washington Chapter, and a member of the American
Planning Association, Institute of Transportation Engineers, and Young Professionals in Transportation.
 
Spence Purnell is a policy analyst at the Reason Foundation, where he works on pension reform, Florida policy issues and economic development.
 
 
Gregory Fields is a retired military officer with degrees from West Point, Webster University in St. Louis, and UNC Charlotte. He is enrolled in the PhD program in Urban Regional Analysis at UNC Charlotte and has participated in a number of comparative transportation studies.

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A Bipartisan Trade Agreement Good for Virginia’s Economy

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Governor Ralph Northam recently suggested caution in the face of recessionary concerns:  “As the global economy changes, we must be both cautious and strategic.”  Those concerns were largely echoed by the actions of Republicans in the General Assembly who made a priority of boosting the state’s cash reserves.

But another way to help build a healthy state economy is expanding Virginia’s international trade, lowering barriers with our most important trading partners, and creating policies spreading the benefits of trade throughout the Commonwealth, both geographically and by industry sector.

Virginia Members of Congress have an opportunity to do just that by ratifying the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement.

Last year, Virginia exported $18.6 billion worth of American-made products across the world, supporting an estimated 78,000 jobs.   More than $4 billion of that went just to Canada and Mexico, which purchase more American goods than our next 11 trading partners combined.

With bipartisan support over the last decade, this economic boom has spread across all sectors in Virginia.  For example, Virginia’s motor vehicle exports to Canada and Mexico have more than doubled and the Commonwealth’s food and beverage exports to those countries have increased more than three-fold.  Small Virginia companies and their employees have been major beneficiaries:  Two-thirds of the state’s exporters of transportation equipment to those countries have been small and medium-businesses, as have 61 percent of Virginia’s food products exporters.

In fact, one out of six Virginia manufacturers – including nearly 500 smaller companies — export to Canada and Mexico, and more than 13,200 Virginians depend on those exports for manufacturing jobs paying an average $70,244.

The USMCA is a proposed replacement for the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), now more than 20 years old. This new agreement, which was signed by the three governments and already ratified by Mexico, will make vital improvements to North American trade while also preserving tariff-free regional trade. It would bring North American trade into the digital, 21st-century economy and provide much-needed certainty to businesses and workers across the country.

NAFTA was in sore need of replacement, having been approved long before the digital revolution of the last two decades.  Importantly, the USMCA establishes higher standards for protection of intellectual property, including updated obligations for each country to safeguard patents, copyrights, regulatory data, trademarks and trade secrets against foreign theft.

It also adds an entirely new chapter on digital trade, ensuring a rules-based foundation for businesses to expand online trade and investments safely and securely, and would work to protect employees across North America by ensuring all three countries adhere to core labor standards. 

Finally,  the agreement for the first time specifically addresses new agriculture technologies to support innovation and reduce trade-distorting policies.  And it ensures Virginia’s farmers have new export opportunities in poultry, eggs and dairy, while maintaining access in soybeans and corn.

Unfortunately, trade issues have taken on increasingly volatile tones in recent years – despite the fact that an economy thrives most in an environment of certainty. 

But the USMCA is an opportunity to give the American economy confidence in our international commerce.  The agreement has bipartisan support from lawmakers in Washington and, most importantly, support from the majority of Americans.

Mexico has already ratified the agreement, and Canada has agreed to follow suit.  Now it is up to Congress, where delay and deadlock are too easily the norms.

The Virginia Congressional delegation has an opportunity to offer bipartisan unity in support of a measure of critical importance to Virginia’s economic health, and should work to break the deadlock and pass the USMCA.

Chris Braunlich is President of the Thomas Jefferson Institute for Public Policy. A version of this commentary originally appeared in the September 4, 2019 issue of the Culpeper Star-Exponent.

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