Why Dominion is Calm in Wind Energy Storm

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With growing turmoil in the offshore wind industry finally being reported, it would be nice to turn the clock back a year and revisit the State Corporation Commission’s failed 2022 effort to impose a real performance standard on Dominion Energy Virginia’s $10 billion, 176-turbine project. No such luck, Virginia.

While two projects in New England’s waters are under active construction, and the Biden Administration’s Bureau of Ocean Energy Management is cranking out cookie-cutter approvals up and down the coast, major signs of financial stress are showing in many places. Some projects have been cancelled, some are being renegotiated for higher prices, and the proposal near North Carolina’s Kitty Hawk still lacks a buyer for its power.

Here is how Barron’s summarized the situation recently:

At least eight multinational companies in three states have quietly started to back out of wind contracts or ask to renegotiate deals in ways that will pass more costs to consumers. Beyond Shell (ticker: SHEL), they include BP (BP), Denmark’s Orsted (DNNGY), Norway’s Equinor (EQNR), Spain’s Iberdrola (IBDRY), Portugal’s Energias de Portugal (EDPFY), and France’s Engie (ENGIY) and state-owned Electricite de France.

The projects those companies are building will collectively cost tens of billions of dollars to construct and connect to the grid. The cost problems they’re facing make offshore wind a dicey investment proposition today, with the potential for substantial write-downs ahead.

The issues go beyond rising construction costs. Siemens Energy saw its stock plummet in late June after reporting maintenance issues with its products (here is the Wall Street Journal report.) And there is growing recognition that the long-term threat in a salt-water setting has always been corrosion.  It is cited as the leading cause of maintenance failures.

Dominion’s Coastal Virginia Offshore Wind (CVOW), on the other hand, seems to have avoided the storm. The utility reported to the SCC on May 1 that it believed its original price estimates and schedule were still accurate.

The same assertion was made as the utility applied to the SCC to increase the amount customers will pay monthly toward the coming construction. The SCC blessed an increase to $4.74 per month for a residential user with a 1,000-kilowatt hour bill, with actual power production still years away. If you have believed all the political hype about “rate relief,” September’s bill is going to be an awakening.

Dominion is a well-managed company and there is no reason to doubt it aggressively negotiated tight contracts with suppliers and has wisely hedged foreign currency issues. Even so, the bottom-line difference between CVOW and these other projects, the reason they are in heavy seas and CVOW is not, is Dominion’s stockholders are protected and the bulk of the risk lies with its 2.6 million ratepayers.

Dominion’s CVOW remains the only U.S. project to be fully owned by a monopoly utility and fully funded by its captive ratepayers. Only Virginia’s General Assembly has done that to citizens.

That is what the SCC tried hard to address a year ago, with some energy performance requirements Dominion complained would kill the project outright. Now we understand better why the utility warned the standards might be fatal.  All the independent wind energy generators mentioned by Barron’s do not have the same ability as a monopoly integrated utility to shield their stockholders, and those under deep pressure are (as they must) putting their stockholders first.

Fearing Dominion would cancel the project, Virginia’s political leadership lined up in bipartisan fashion behind a counter proposal they claimed would “protect ratepayers.” The deal basically gave the utility a green light to spend 40% more on construction (the construction risk, part of which Dominion did assume) and removed any financial penalty to the utility if the turbines do not produce the amount of electricity promised for the length of time promised (the performance risk.)

The final order where the SCC relented and accepted the counter proposal contained this one sentence, which clearly explains why all is calm down at Dominion headquarters, the industry turmoil elsewhere notwithstanding (emphasis added):

In addition, if the Project never becomes operational or is at some point abandoned {e.g. due to cost, construction, or operational issues that make it imprudent or impracticable to proceed), the Company has described how customers would still pay for costs incurred up to the point of abandonment. For example, even if the Project is abandoned at the end of 2023, Dominion still estimates it would have incurred close to $4 billion of costs to be recovered from customers.

That paragraph does not apply to Avangrid, Iberdrola, Siemens-Gamesa, BP, Orsted or any of the other private wind developers. It only applies to Dominion and its customers.  Creation of this risk is squarely on the members of the Virginia General Assembly who undercut the SCC’s authority to protect consumers over multiple bills and years and the governors of both parties who have seen mainly dollar signs in the coming forest of ocean turbines.

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Other States Have Updated How Schools Are Funded: Why Can’t Virginia?

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In an August 1 commentary published in The Richmond Times-Dispatch, Thomas Jefferson Institute Senior Advisor and former President Chris Braunlich looks at the recent education funding report issued by the Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission. He examines more closely a solution that would improve public education delivery to children, hold leaders accountable and gain the confidence of a taxpaying public.

Read Braunlich’s commentary in the Richmond Times-Dispatch by clicking here.

Posted in Education | Comments Off on Other States Have Updated How Schools Are Funded: Why Can’t Virginia?

Other States Have Updated How Schools Are Funded: Why Can’t Virginia?

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In an August 1 commentary published in The Richmond Times-Dispatch, Thomas Jefferson Institute Senior Advisor and former President Chris Braunlich looks at the recent education funding report issued by the Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission. He examines more closely a solution that would improve public education delivery to children, hold leaders accountable and gain the confidence of a taxpaying public.

Read Braunlich’s commentary in the Richmond Times-Dispatch by clicking here.

Posted in Government Reform | Comments Off on Other States Have Updated How Schools Are Funded: Why Can’t Virginia?

Senators Claim “Voodoo Estimating” in Battle Over Tax Cuts

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Not only are the leading Virginia Senate budget negotiators adamantly opposed to providing Virginians with additional tax relief in this election year, but they are now hinting at partial roll back of one of the major individual tax reforms approved just last year.

When the 2022 General Assembly approved a major increase in the standard deduction used by most Virginia taxpayers, it applied a condition — that the underlying General Fund revenue had to continue to grow at least 5% in both fiscal years 2022 and 2023.  If it did not, the standard deduction for that year would be reduced again.  The revenue growth would be adjusted for the tax cuts, so the target was 5% growth before the revenue reductions those caused.

Meeting that trigger target for FY 2022 was easy in that year’s overheated economy.  Last week Governor Glenn Youngkin’s administration certified that the second target was also met, meaning the full standard deduction also applies for this tax year.  The goal was barely met, with growth of 5.1%, leading Democrats to accuse the Department of Taxation of “voodoo estimating.”

The accusation against the usually trusted tax staff was reported in a Richmond Times-Dispatch article.    It failed to address whether the Democrats plan to act on their suspicions, but why complain otherwise?  If they fight to certify the target was missed, and win, the standard deduction for a married couple filing jointly will drop by $1,000 and their tax bill rise $58.  A key Democrat dismissed it as “less than $30” but that is for an individual.

Yes, Virginia, this argument has gotten so petty some legislators are considering trying to claw back a $58 tax break to couples still dealing with the crushing inflation crisis.  Of course, the argument is not really about last year’s tax cut but the continuing stalemate over doing it again.  The state ended the fiscal year June 30 with billions in cash not dedicated to any purpose, and Youngkin and the House of Delegates want more tax relief.

The certification on meeting the standard deduction revenue target came in a July 25 letter to leading budget negotiators.  It reported that all the various tax changes made in 2022 ended up saving taxpayers (some prefer to say “costing the government”) over $2.5 billion in just one year.  Almost $1.4 billion of that represented lower personal income taxes, with the higher standard deduction accounting for $1 billion of that amount.

The accounting includes almost $1.1 billion that was passed out to taxpayers as individual rebates.  Whether or not that counts as a “tax policy adjustment” is highly debatable.  That was basically a spending item with a one-time impact and had zero impact on revenue.  In truth, it boosted revenue because it is safe to assume most taxpayers promptly spent it on some taxable item or service.

Remove that rebate from the calculation and the 2023 revenue growth target was easily met.  Another round of rebates is also being proposed as a response to the current cash surplus.  One-time rebates have become a bipartisan dodge used by legislators embarrassed by the state’s flush treasury but opposed to long term tax cuts.

What really upsets some legislators is how effectively Youngkin is rolling back the many and varied tax increases imposed by former Governor Ralph Northam when he enjoyed total partisan control of the legislature in 2020 and 2021.  You can see the impact by looking back at previous General Fund revenue results.

Remember, The General Fund is mainly income and sales taxes paid by both individuals and businesses, with a few smaller revenue streams thrown in.  Federal grants, transportation taxes, and college and hospital operating costs are accounted for as Non-General Funds in a different pot.  The Northam tax increases exploded the General Fund.  (He raised transportation taxes too, but that is not part of this discussion.)

For fiscal year 2020, before any of those tax changes passed, the state’s General Fund total was $21.7 billion.  A year later, in 2021, it hit $24.9 billion.  Another year and more tax increases later, it reached the recent peak of $28.9 billion.  The General Fund grew by one-third in two years despite the COVID pandemic and its related recession. How?  Tax increases.

According to the July 25 report from the Department of Taxation, absent the tax policy changes and the rebate the General Fund total would have been $30.4 billion for fiscal year 2023, another increase.  But with the tax policy changes and the rebate, the figure is now expected to be $27.9 billion.  The tax cuts prevented any increase in the General Fund collections from 2022 to 2023.

But the state’s bills have been paid with cash left over.  The amount collected in the past 12 months – after the Youngkin tax cuts — remained almost 28% higher than three years previously, before the wave of Northam tax increases.  Had there been no Youngkin tax cuts and no one-time rebate, the $30.4 billion in General Fund for the past 12 months would have represented a 40% increase in just three years.

The fear of recession that the spending advocates used to block tax cuts during the regular session has abated.  There is every reason to expect the General Fund to continue to grow even if some additional tax cuts are approved.  The voters need to be clearly asked which they prefer: additional tax cuts coupled with substantial growth in spending, or an even higher uptick in spending with no relief to the taxpayer.

Posted in Taxes | Comments Off on Senators Claim “Voodoo Estimating” in Battle Over Tax Cuts

A New Tax Reform Plan? Explain It and Sell It!

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The following paragraph was written five months ago.  It is reproduced now with some emphasis added.

The 2023 Virginia General Assembly tax debate is just another revival of an old political show. Last year it ended well for new Governor Glenn Youngkin (R) and for those hoping to pay less in state taxes. This year is not guaranteed to see the same outcome, not unless there is a late push to engage public attention as the House and Senate seek compromise.

Was there a push in intervening months to engage public attention?  No. Does the public even understand what tax policies are being proposed, and how those changes provide dollars they need for family necessities?  Again, no, and an emphatic no because Republicans have changed their approach since the negotiations started months ago.

So should anybody be surprised that the opponents of any tax changes – the keep it all and spend it all crowd – are happy to stand their ground and view it a safe political position?  No.

Virginia has now entered the second year of its two-year budget cycle, and the Republican-controlled House and Democratic-controlled Senate are still deadlocked over about $3.6 billion in revenue that is not allocated, some of which started accumulating years ago.  Soon, end of fiscal year reports will give a more exact figure for the cash sitting on the table of this poker game. Expect a higher number.

The latest round of negotiations collapsed, according to news accounts, because the lead Republican negotiator thought he had a quiet agreement with leading Democratic negotiators. But what he thought was in their agreement (according to news reports) was very different than the first package, leaving out the original plan to lower the corporate income tax by 1% and to lower the top individual rate by a quarter of a percent.

The good news is the tax reform elements still on the table remain substantial, close to $1 billion, reasonably close to the dollar values attached to the original mix of proposals. Even better news was how the dollars shifted from a corporate income tax cut to more tax relief for individuals, and tax relief more targeted to middle and lower income households. It looks very familiar.

The best news of all, the compromise proposes increasing the standard deduction and raising the trigger threshold for the top rate to a higher income, both basically responses to inflation. Indexing the tax code to inflation would be the best approach, but these are effective steps in the same direction.

But here in the aftermath of the latest blowup, it is still unclear exactly what the Republicans had put on the table in their compromise. Details are lacking. If they had the Department of Taxation or the legislative staff run some financial impact estimates, none have been released or shared. They have made no effort to tell the average Virginian, “Your tax cut would be this much.”

The advice to turn the insider game of budget negotiations into a public campaign to promote tax cuts – either the previous package or this new one – was not taken.  Instead, various Republicans thought it prudent to stand by quietly while their buddies in the other party suffered through hot primaries. The foolishness of that tactic has now been demonstrated.

Here is lesson one from a life in politics. This isn’t from a Viking Cruises commercial but from every campaign manual out there. The only commodity you cannot get more of is time. Five months of time that could have been spent making this case to Virginians is lost. Voting begins in three months, and there still is zero messaging, zero effort at communicating to Virginians in concrete detail what they might gain from tax reform.

If there is a new plan, a better plan, put it out there with as much detail as possible and make the spending advocates explain why they think it is bad. Why are they happy that inflation is making government rich while families struggle with the basics? Why do they want that to continue forever?

Since the Governor’s package first appeared, its opponents have disparaged it as tax cuts for rich corporations and the richest Virginians. The Democrats never mention how cutting that top rate helped everyone with more than $17,000 in taxable income. Those attacks are not applicable to the new package that is apparently on the table, but all the voters will be shown are the January roll calls with Republicans voting to…cut taxes on corporations and cut the top rate paid by millionaires.

A special session would allow legislators to go on record on some different plan, one not including those two elements, one more focused on the middle. Those roll calls could be produced as responses to the attacks which are coming. Again, if anybody wants anything like that to actually pass, the time to go public with details is long past.

The spending side of the debate needs attention, too. If not, the voters will think that one side was all about tax cuts, and the other all about spending on vital services, services also popular with Republicans and Independents. The House of Delegates budget and tax package applied far more of the $3.6 billion to spending than to tax relief.

Does anybody have those details?  Are there talking points that highlight the House or Governor’s spending priorities that would accompany the tax cuts? In seeking information from those who should be involved in feeding facts into this debate, in framing such a message, one was advised to go visit the union- and liberal-funded Commonwealth Institute for Fiscal Analysis. That’s where the Republicans go for facts, apparently.

In the sound of silence, one thing can be heard:  tick, tick, tick.

Posted in State Government, Taxes | Comments Off on A New Tax Reform Plan? Explain It and Sell It!