Today’s Journalism – We Deserve Better

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Everyone in high school is taught about the low water mark in yellow journalism — Remember the Maine.
We are taught that the era of “yellow journalism” died with the rise of editorial standards in the 1930s and 1940s in the wake of FDR and the master propagandists of the Second World War, yet the penchant for 19th century clickbait never truly died — it was merely cloaked.
As the PBS series on Vietnam is reminding folks, the American media had a hand in leveraging casualties and suffering for viewership in a way that could only be termed as pornographic today. The old phrase “if it bleeds, it leads” was coined in 1989 along with “sex sells” purely as a marketing diversion, and both by modern media moguls.
In short, the media simply can’t run away from its DNA.
This isn’t to say that journalism is dead. Journalism is very much alive and thriving in certain quarters and remote quarters. Certainly the Washington Post has its fair share of journalists.
Unfortunately, this particular standard of journalism is mucked by the coterie of reporters and editors looking for “good copy” and a quick story — and it is plaguing the media still.
In recent decades, the Washington Post serves as a favorite bogeyman for conservatives in Virginia thanks to its left-of-center lean and the ability to influence the Northern Virginia media market. Yet, its ability and power to swing the electorate and drive home a narrative has ebbed since its heyday in 2006. At the time, then-U.S. Senator George Allen had to endure a steady and relentless hammering from a WaPo editorial board that smelled blood in the water with an electorate willing to believe in the few shreds of objectivity the mainstream media might have still held.
It bled; it led.
…at least, until the new media came along. Some as bloggers, most as opinion writers trying to get their voices out into the open. Journalists continued to perfect their craft; rank reporters simply mimicked the bloggers.
The difference between the two camps of media was never tone, but the medium in which they chose to disseminate their ideas. Just as journalists and opinion writers continued to craft the virtues of their profession, so too did reporters and bloggers craft the viciousness of the modern “drive by” media.
The end result hasn’t been a net positive for those seeking dialogue in the public square. Over the last decade, the internet has not only democratized media — to some degree it has democratized truth, or at the very least, democratized the facts we as observers and citizens consume.
Of course, truth can never be democratized. There is no such thing as “two sides” to a story — there is the truth, and then there are mere approximations of the truth.
So when the veneer and form of objectivity is used to aid and abet a perspective, that’s a problem. When polls are generated to drive home a narrative, that’s a problem. When monologue media is used as propaganda, that’s a problem — and to introduce a counter-narrative to the propaganda of the left is always blasted as “fake news” or worse, simply fobbed of with the response of tell someone who cares.
Truth is, the Washington Post is getting a real-time lesson in the pitfalls of a monologue. No one on earth believes that embattled Democratic candidate Ralph Northam is up by 13 points. Every political observer and insider says that Gillespie is within the margin of error (and not on the outside edge of that margin). Northam continues to sell a game change; the WaPo continues to lap it up. One really has to ask — why?
Perhaps the reason why is simple enough — yellow journalism hasn’t died; merely morphed into more respectable forms.
In the meantime, President Trump’s approval ratings after Puerto Rico and the NFL “kneelers” shows him with yet another bump — this time to 43%.
For Northam to win, he needs Trump to be closer to 30%, which is why folks have seen Northam soften his “narcissistic maniac” tone against Trump towards a more conciliatory “I will work with him” approach — one that soothes independents but horrifies the hard left.
At this rate, the Washington Post has thrown just about everything it can towards Gillespie, trading reputation for leverage. Will it work? Surveys say no…

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Some Manufacturing Sectors Are Doing Well

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Most people probably wouldn’t be too surprised to learn that employment at online retailers or internet publishing and web search portal firms grew at a double-digit annual average pace over the last 10 years ending with 2016.
On the other hand, manufacturing employment growing at such a fast pace might raise some eyebrows.
The U.S. manufacturing sector employed about 1.8 million fewer workers in 2016 compared with 10 years earlier, but many industries within the sector have posted solid to robust job gains.
For instance, breweries and wineries top the list of manufacturing industries with the largest number of job gains over the last decade, with 33,185 and 24,785 jobs, respectively, in the nation, according to data from the North American Industrial Classification System.
Employment in these industries plateaued during the Great Recession, and did not decline like manufacturing overall.
Employment at wineries has been growing at a steady annual average rate that translates into 5.3 percent growth in the past 10 years, while breweries saw a 8.6 percent increase, based on data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics that are enhanced with self-employment calculations imputed by Chmura Economics & Analytics.
In the Richmond area, employment at breweries jumped from 176 to 268 in the past decade, while employment at area wineries increased to 38 people from 4 workers a decade ago.
In addition to breweries and wineries, other food and beverage manufacturing industries also are among those with the most job growth during the last decade.
Within the past 10 years, retail bakeries nationally expanded by 21,074 jobs – a 2.6 percent annual average rate of growth – while perishable prepared food manufacturing increased by 17,884 jobs, or an annual average growth of 4.4 percent.
Employment at retail bakeries in the Richmond metro area outpaced the nation with 3.6 percent annual average growth, but prepared food manufacturing declined by an annual average 0.6 percent in the region over the same period.
All food and beverage manufacturing industries combined added 149,716 jobs to the U.S. economy over the last decade and 629 jobs in the Richmond metro area.
Another significant contributor to manufacturing employment growth over the last 10 years is transportation equipment manufacturing industries, which typically fall faster than most manufacturing industries because they produce costly items that can last many years with maintenance.
Aircraft parts and auxiliary equipment manufacturing grew the most within this transportation equipment manufacturing group, adding 16,391 jobs. Shipbuilding and repairing was close behind, expanding by 13,103.
Neither of these industries has a large presence in Richmond.
Manufacturing employment in the nation reached the highest level in August that it has seen since January 2009.
This is good news because manufacturing jobs pay a much better wage than the average industry sector and provides opportunities for workers at all education levels.
(This article first ran in the Richmond Times-Dispatch on Oct. 2, 2017)
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How Long Must Parents Wait?

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In a recent news release, Governor Terry McAuliffe heralded the fact that 86 percent of Virginia schools were fully accredited – “a record high” for his administration and a five point improvement over last year.
He neglected to mention that 88 schools failed accreditation – a 203 percent increase in unaccredited schools over last year, and more unaccredited schools this year than in the previous ten years combined.
In a new poll by Christopher Newport’s Wason Center, the most important issue most voters want the next Governor to work on is “improving K-12 education.” Improving educational quality for the children in those 88 schools ought to be a top consideration.
Thirteen schools have failed accreditation for three years or more. Despite throwing hundreds of thousands of dollars in extra “Executive Leadership” funding at Petersburg, the students of Vernon Johns Middle School are attending an unaccredited school for the twelfth consecutive year. Despite a new $44.2 million school building, the child who entered first grade six years ago at Alexandria’s Jefferson-Houston Elementary has now spent her entire school career in an unaccredited school.
If anything, this year’s accreditation list points up two things –
First, the divide in education is growing. Good schools on the right track with the right leadership are getting better. Poorly performing schools without the right kind of leadership continue to decline. And continued geographic concentrations of poverty and wealth have all too often meant different tracks for the schools those children attend.
The second is that the state seems powerless to do anything to help the children in these schools. And while that may seem like an excuse, the reality is that the Virginia Constitution requires that “the supervision of schools in each school division shall be vested in a school board.” Worse, past court decisions have given local school boards nearly unfettered control over buildings, budgets, curriculum, and personnel – even if they run it into the ground.
To its credit, the State Board of Education’s proposed new regulations ratchet up the consequences for non-performing schools and school divisions, including the threat of withholding a limited amount of state funding. But the process is long, case by case and thin gruel compared with the dramatic and decisive action so badly needed. Besides which, “state takeovers” have a spotty track record — partly because states rarely take the time to rebuild school culture.
One alternative is to authorize new quality public schools run by successful educators, but outside the traditional system. And there are such schools defying the “demography is destiny” mantra. The problem: They aren’t in Virginia.
Today, 7,000 public charter schools serve 3 million students. While not a panacea, their track record with low-income children is striking: According to Stanford’s Center for Research on Education Outcomes (CREDO), after four years in a charter school, urban students learn 50 percent more per year than demographically similar students in traditional public schools.
In New York, 95 percent of Success Academy’s students are children of color whose families have an average income of $32,000 per year. In math, 95 percent of them passed the state exams and 84 percent passed reading, outperforming every school district in the state, including those with median family incomes of $290,000.
KIPP Academies educates 88,000 students in 209 schools – 95 percent of them black or Latino and 88 percent of them on Free and Reduced Meals subsidies. Eighty-one percent enter college and they graduate college at a pace four times the rate of their peers.
But these and other successful charter schools won’t come to Virginia, citing the Commonwealth’s “restrictive charter school law that limits autonomy and makes it impossible for high quality charter schools to fulfill their mission.” And without alternatives, parents will never be able to send their children to a public charter school opening the doors of opportunity for Virginia’s neediest students.
A measure earlier this year might have cracked that door a bit, had it been signed into law. It would have allowed the State Board of Education to authorize a new school board – an overlay of sorts – that could only target areas with one or more schools that repeatedly failed accreditation.
And while it would not have touched existing schools or local funding, it would have empowered the State Board to meet its own constitutional responsibility for the “supervision of the public school system,” taken steps toward the constitutional aspiration of “an educational program of high quality,” and helped several thousand low-income children who now have no quality choices.
Sadly, the bill was vetoed by Governor McAuliffe, shooting down educational justice for the children of places like Petersburg, Norfolk and Newport News.
As the voters who place a premium on K-12 education think about the issues, they should consider this: The parents of children in high-performing schools are rarely concerned about choices: They’ve already made theirs.
But how long must the parents of children in persistently low-performing schools wait to have better opportunities for their child? Four years? Six? A dozen years? How long?
(A version of this commentary first appeared in The Virginian-Pilot on October 1, 2017.)
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Do Remedial College Classes Need Reform? In Virginia, Probably Not

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How do you handle a situation when a student is admitted to a college but isn’t academically prepared to do the work? Traditionally, colleges and community colleges have required students who fail basic readiness tests to take remedial courses. Nationally, students spend an estimated $7 billion a year on such courses, according to the Wall Street Journal.

Percentage of students enrolled in remedial classes at Virginia community colleges, 2016-17 academic year.


But educational officials are souring on the practice, saying that remedial classes are typically taught by the least-experienced teachers with little training in remedial teaching methods, that student motivation is low in classes that yield no college credit, and that remedial students graduate with six years at a lower rate than their peers. Colleges in California, Colorado, Indiana, Tennessee and West Virginia are experimenting with an alternative approach, teaching supplementary classes targeting specific skills needed to pass specific classes. Thus, a student taking a sociology class who needs help with statistics would learn only the math applicable for that class.

It will be interesting to see where this experiment goes. I’ve long expressed concern that many colleges, desperate to pump up enrollment and tuition revenue, are too lax with the admittance standards. Under the guise of ethnic and socioeconomic diversity, they accept students who aren’t academically prepared for college. These students are disproportionately likely to fail to graduate and rack up large student debts that hobble them financially for years. Thus, for many, higher ed has become a source of social injustice rather than liberation.
Virginia colleges and universities are often accused of being excessively picky about who they admit, with the consequence that they provide less “social mobility” for poor and minority students. The flip side of that accusation is that the Virginia higher-ed system has the second highest six-year graduation rate in the country, meaning that fewer poor and minority students wind up saddled with debt they cannot repay because they failed to win the workforce credential needed to get a higher-paying job.
Perhaps the idea of teaching targeted skills required for specific courses has merit. Let’s face it, we all learned a lot of stuff in college that we never needed later in life. Speaking for myself, I barely passed a course in calculus, and, beyond retaining the fact that there is such a thing as “differential” calculus and such as thing as “integral” calculus, I remember nothing of what I supposedly learned. Maybe remedial classes teach a lot of stuff that students will never need.
On the other hand, I worry that replacing remedial classes with “basic skills” represents one more step in the watering down of college curricula, and one more step in the degradation of the value of a college degree. Businesses already complain that many college graduates are incapable of thinking critically and communicating clearly as it is. Will scrapping remedial courses make things better? I’m not holding my breath.
According to Virginia Council of Higher Education for Virginia (SCHEV) data, only one of Virginia’s four-year institutions, Virginia Commonwealth University, provides remedial education, and VCU enrolled only 68 undergraduate students in remedial classes in the 2016-17 school year. By contrast, the community colleges enrolled 36,000. That strikes me as entirely sensible. If students need remedial work, they should get it in a community-college setting where they will incur far less cost than in a four-year college.
For what it’s worth, the number of remedial students in Virginia community colleges is down from 44,400 ten years ago. Either Virginia high schools are graduating fewer students who are academically unprepared or the community colleges are relaxing their standards. I pass no judgment as to which is the case. Either way, remedial education does not appear to be a burning issue in Virginia’s higher education establishment at the moment.
(This column first ran in Bacon’s Rebellion on September 28, 2017)
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EPA Inspector General criticizes EPA for foot dragging

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EPA’s Inspector General (IG) claims EPA has not developed emission estimation methods (EEM) to determine whether concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFOs) comply with the Clean Air Act (CAA).
The IG Report, while not receiving much publicity, will eventually impact animal feeding operations throughout the country. The report on September 19, 2017 is on EPA’s website at www.EPA.gov/oig. It is an opinion of the Inspector General and does not reflect EPA’s position.
Environmental groups have been using petitions to force regulation of ammonia, for example. Millions of dollars were spent by livestock groups and others to develop EEMs for “estimating emissions” from animal production facilities.
EEMs are difficult to determine and consequently EPA has never set a timeline for completing its work. Even though this effort began in 2005 with an agreement, EPA has suggested that it will have a plan on how to estimate emissions from animal operations by the beginning of 2018.
In the 40-page report, IG declares EPA is years behind schedule. EPA estimates there are approximately 450,000 animal feeding operations (AFOs) scattered throughout the United States. It also estimates there are approximately 18,000 large CAFOs in the United States.
For some time, EPA has recognized it does not have sufficient data about air emissions coming from AFOs or CAFOs.
EPA has looked at regulating animal facilities under the Clean Air Act ( CAA), the Emergency Planning and Community Right-to-Know Act (EPCRA), and the Superfund Act, known as the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act (CERCLA).
EPA and the environmental groups have sought for years to determine a way to regulate ammonia. EPA claims ammonia “Can cause severe cough and chronic lung disease. It also contributes directly to the formation of PM2.5 and deposition can impact sensitive ecosystems.”
Because EPA staff has little or no understanding of agriculture, they seem to not understand how rapidly ammonia dissipates in the atmosphere. (Cases I have tried for the CAFO industry clearly demonstrate through expert testimony that EPA’s concerns are not well founded.)
EPA has also found it extremely difficult to measure actual number of pounds of ammonia coming from an AFO or CAFO because of varying conditions and varying growth rates of animals.
EPA also relies on outside studies to conclude that air emissions from AFOs and CAFOs impact property values. These studies claim “Residential property values were reduced by an average of almost 23 percent within 1.25 miles of a large swine AFO.” (I have been involved in 13 major CAFO cases and I have never seen this charge substantiated.)
EPA also relies on a study which claims “The closer children go to school near a large AFO, the greater the risk of asthma symptoms.” Another study EPA cites claims, “living in close proximity to large swine AFOs may result in impaired mental health and negative mood states, such as tension, depression or anger.”
The IG’s report reviews the provisions of the agreement between the livestock industry and EPA. Approximately $15 million was collected to fund emissions estimation studies and develop a framework for field sampling. EPA entered into 2,568 separate agreements with owners and operators of livestock facilities in 42 states. EPA believed that the 13,900 animal operations represented 90% of the largest operations in the United States.
The IG interviewed animal operators and of course, spent time interviewing “agriculture” experts such as the Sierra Club, Food and Water Watch, Earth Justice, Waterkeeper Alliance, and the North Carolina Justice Network.
There is also a section in the report indicating the EPA Science Advisory Board (SAB), which criticized EPA’s data and methodology used to develop emission numbers. The IG concludes that EPA’s air emissions proposals after 11 years are mainly on hold.
Chapter three of the IG report, in typical bureaucratic fashion, claims “EPA needs to implement systematic planning to ensure that EEMs have sufficient quality.” Chapter three is worth reading and deciphering.
The one ominous recommendation on page 29 of the report suggests EPA notify all participants in the EPA study “…that the release and covenant not to sue for those emission sources and pollutant types will expire in accordance with paragraph 38 of the 2005 air compliance agreement.”
Paragraph 38 in the Federal Register Jan. 31, 2005, p. 4965 seems to suggest a CAFO can be sued 120 days after the agreement expires.
This issue is not going away.
(This column first ran in Farm Futures on September 26, 2017)
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