Obama carbon colonialism and climate corruption continue

Share this article on:

By Paul Driessen and David Wojick
Part 1 of a 3-part series
It’s obscene enough when the Multilateral anti-Development Banks do it. But Trump agencies?!?
In a prime example of Deep State revanchism, despite the profound change in administrations, the US Agency for International Development is still funding and advancing anti-energy Obama-era climate change dogmas and policies for developing countries. USAID handles tens of billions of dollars a year, roughly half of all US foreign aid, so this climate alarmism puts literally millions of lives at risk.
USAID calls its “flagship” program “low emissions development.” Emissions of course means plant-fertilizing, life-giving carbon dioxide – but the term is intended to suggest dangerous climate changing pollution. The effect, if not the intent, is to deprive poor countries of the enormous life-enhancing benefits of abundant, affordable electricity and fossil fuels, which created the health and wealth Americans enjoy.
The President and Congress need to terminate this poverty-perpetuating carbon colonialism – which USAID prefers to describe in this deceptive, eco-virtuous language:
“Enhancing Capacity for Low Emission Development Strategies (EC-LEDS) is a flagship U.S. program that has forged partnerships with more than two dozen developing countries from Colombia to Indonesia to South Africa to Ukraine committed to and taking concrete actions to achieve low emission development. Under EC-LEDS, USAID, the State Department and other U.S. agencies work with partner countries to help develop tools and analyses to estimate GHG emissions and identify and pursue the best options for low emission growth.”
In fact, says the agency, “this new development strategy marks the first time climate change will play a central role throughout the entire agency’s development efforts.” [emphasis added]
USAID itself could never function under the low-emission standards it imposes on nations that struggle daily with rampant poverty, disease, malnutrition and premature death. Its employees could never run their own homes and lives under such standards. They would never tolerate having those restrictions imposed on them (though this might be a fascinating exercise that would bring out their true colors).
Eco-imperialist aid policies did not end with Obama’s exit
As we have noted (here, here and here), Multilateral anti-Development Banks use similar claims and language to justify their eco-imperialist, anti-fossil-fuel policies and lending practices. But especially during the Obama era, the State Department, its USAID operations and other US government agencies also prevented poor countries from using oil, natural gas, coal and modern farming technologies.
That this continues is despicable. That even Trump State Department representatives to the 2017 Climate Summit in Bonn, Germany were advancing Obama policies is intolerable. It needs to end, now.
The refusal of these “public servants” to be part of the new Administration is pure Deep State, guided in part by an Obama era document, “USAID Global Climate Change and Development Strategy 2012-2016.” Their plan is clearly based on climate alarmism that is increasingly rooted in computer models and hysterical claims that bear little resemblance either to global temperature trends over the past 20 years or to the actual history of droughts and extreme weather over the past century. The document asserts:
“Climate change is one of the greatest challenges of our generation. USAID – as part of the broader [Obama] Presidential Global Climate Change Initiative (GCCI) – is addressing this challenge in ways that recognize both its severity and the opportunities clean economic growth presents to spur innovation and encourage investments that will have long lasting environmental and development benefits. If we support countries to build climate resilience and move towards a ‘low carbon’ economic growth pathway, we can help provide more stable and prosperous futures for the U.S. and for our partners, including new markets for clean technology and expansion of the green economy. Alternatively, if we are unable to meet this challenge, climate change could jeopardize many of the development gains the international community and the U.S. government have worked for decades to secure.”
The policy was implemented in 2012. But 18 months after Mr. Trump was sworn in, current USAID national and regional websites – as well as the strategy document itself – still say it remains in effect and still “guides our work helping countries transition to lasting and climate-resilient, low-emission economic development.” They say the policy is “Extended to September 2018,” and suggest that the “StratPlan” will be kept in force even if it technically expires in September.
“Clean energy activities help countries attract the private investment they need to scale up sustainable and cost-effective renewable energy, minimizing pollution and keeping pace with today’s changing energy landscape,” the documents claim. Moreover, the dogma will be “integrated” and implemented across all USAID activities: “Integration activities ensure climate change knowledge and practice is applied, where appropriate, across USAID’s development portfolio to protect U.S. investments from unforeseen risks.”
“Sustainable” energy thus ties into UN climate alarmism, alleged risks of “imminent resource depletion,” avoidance of “over-consumption,” and funding, guiding and imposing policies and programs that limit the number of people around the world who might achieve the middle and upper class living standards that USAID, UN, IPCC, World Bank and EU technocrats (and their environmentalist allies) already enjoy.
These governing elites fear that newly middle class families would want more stuff: cars, real houses, refrigerators, stoves, lights, and vacations to exotic locales now enjoyed mostly by UAID officials and other climate conference attendees. Extending these “privileges” to “middle class wannabes” would require taking more resources out of the ground, which would hurt Mother Earth.
Therefore, these billions of people who have electricity only a few hours a week, who “enjoy” life on the edge of the disease and starvation abyss, must be permitted to improve their lives only a little; only to the extent that it would conform to UN and USAID climate, sustainability and over-consumption guidelines; only as much as could be supported by wind and solar energy, subsistence farming and bed nets.
Trump USAID Administrator Mark Green should have terminated this travesty his first day at the helm. At the very least, he, the White House and Congress should now serve notice that it will be rescinded in toto August 31– and then make sure it is totally repealed, defunded and shut down September 1.
Rescission must be active, not passive. It must cover all US and overseas USAID budgets, personnel, strategic plans, policies, “guidance” and policy statements, websites and other items that advance these climate, sustainability and related agendas. Funds and personnel should be reassigned, and Deep Staters complicit in perpetuating the programs after January 2017 should be disciplined or let go.
The Foreign Operations Appropriations bills now pending in the House and Senate provide all USAID funding, and are obvious vehicles for issuing permanent pro-energy, pro-people, pro-development rules.

E-Mail this author
David Wojick is a former consultant with the Office of Scientific and Technical Information at the U.S. Department of Energy in the area of information and communication science. He has a Ph.D. in the philosophy of science and mathematical logic from the University of Pittsburgh and a B.S. in civil engineering from Carnegie Tech. He has been on the faculty of Carnegie Mellon and the staffs of the U.S. Office of Naval Research and the Naval Research Lab.


Email this author

Posted in Environment | Comments Off on Obama carbon colonialism and climate corruption continue

Unfunded Pension Liabilities a Benefits Problem, Not Just a Funding Problem

Share this article on:

In the analysis of unfunded state pension liabilities, there are two main components: assets and liabilities. Here in Virginia, most attention is focused on the asset side of the equation — how much money have state and local governments set aside to pay for retiree benefits, and how well is the Virginia Retirement System managing the pension portfolio? Less attention is given to the benefit side — how rapidly are the liabilities increasing?
Wirepoints, a group that provides research and commentary on Illinois’ economy and government, has published a research paper arguing that the Prairie State’s massive pension liabilities are not the result of insufficient funding — asset growth has increased at an annualized rate of 5.9% from 2003 to 2015 — but of runaway increases in pension benefits of 7.5% annually. The difference: a 2.6% gap.

Source: Wirepoints, based on Pew Charitable Trust
In the analysis of unfunded state pension liabilities, there are two main components: assets and liabilities. Here in Virginia, most attention is focused on the asset side of the equation — how much money have state and local governments set aside to pay for retiree benefits, and how well is the Virginia Retirement System managing the pension portfolio? Less attention is given to the benefit side — how rapidly are the liabilities increasing?
Wirepoints, a group that provides research and commentary on Illinois’ economy and government, has published a research paper arguing that the Prairie State’s massive pension liabilities are not the result of insufficient funding — asset growth has increased at an annualized rate of 5.9% from 2003 to 2015 — but of runaway increases in pension benefits of 7.5% annually. The difference: a 2.6% gap.
Many other states, including Virginia, have experienced the same problem of mismatched growth rates for assets and liabilities, though not to the same degree. Over the same 12-year period, Virginia’s pension benefits increased at a compounded annual rate of 6.3% while its assets increased by 4.2% annually. The difference: a 2.1% gap.
A few years ago, the increase in pension liabilities became a concern. Under pension reforms enacted during the McDonnell administration, state employees hired in 2014 or after were enrolled in hybrid pension plans, which combine a defined benefit plan with a defined contribution plan and an option for voluntary contributions. In essence the new package shifted some risk for funding retirement benefits from the state to the employees. (Editor’s note: A major study by the Thomas Jefferson Institute in 2011 (here) was instrumental in laying the groundwork for these reforms in 2014.)
Thanks to the bull market in equities, Virginia’s asset performance has been stronger the past few years, and presumably the shift to a hybrid pension system has dampened the growth rate in pension benefits (and will continue to do so over time). Wirepoints’ numbers, based upon Pew Charitable Trusts data, goes only to 2015. More recent numbers might show more favorable trend lines.
Bacon’s bottom line: Growth in pension liabilities is one of the Virginia Retirement System metrics we should be watching. The onus for ensuring that the Commonwealth meets its pension obligations should not fall solely upon taxpayers and VRS portfolio managers. The state needs to keep pension costs under control, too. Legislators should check periodically to see if the hybrid pension plan is working as advertised.
(This article first ran on July 23, 2018 in Bacon’s Rebellion.)
bacon-90Email this author

Posted in State Government | Comments Off on Unfunded Pension Liabilities a Benefits Problem, Not Just a Funding Problem

This is Why Farmers Are So Angry at the Federal Government

Share this article on:

In an unbelievable set of circumstances, USDA’s Natural Resources Conservation Service (NRCS) was defeated by an Illinois lawyer and farmer not three times as I indicated last week, but four times.
The farm was in a trust in Illinois and it believed after defeating NRCS four times, that it might be entitled to its costs and legal fees under Equal Access to Justice Act (EAJA). This is a federal law which generally holds government agencies and bureaucrats to a minimum level of accountability.
But even after defeating NRCS four times, a USDA judge ruled that the farmer and farm trust were not eligible to get any fees or expenses under the EAJA– a disgusting, laughable and stunning decision.
The farm trust in Illinois challenged NRCS’s wetland determination when it labeled 14.2 acres as farmed wetland. Four times the farm trust appealed NRCS’s determination that the farm did not contain farmed wetlands. Two of the appeals went to full evidentiary hearings. Each time the administrative judge issued final determinations ruling in favor of the farm trust and NRCS did not even challenge these rulings.
It is mystifying that even though the judge said the decisions were final, NRCS said they were not. The arrogance here is frankly inconceivable.
An administrative judge found that NRCS’s technical analyses regarding drain tile on the farm were based on “unsupported assumptions,” contrary to the evidence,” ignores information appellant provided,” “counter to the methodology contained in the National Engineering Handbook,” “arbitrary,” and NRCS’s technical work was “based purely on conjecture.”
How embarrassing for our government.
There are a number of requirements a winning party against NRCS must meet in order to attempt to get back legal fees and costs in a NRCS case which claims a violation of the Swampbuster Act. A farmer must meet a financial requirement which proves that the farm, or in this case a farm trust, is financially eligible to apply for funds if the farmer’s net worth does not exceed $2 million. In the Illinois farm trust case, costs were advanced to hire an engineering firm, surveying firm, and transcription services firm. The court and NRCS agreed the engineering costs, trenching costs and attorneys’ fees were necessary and reasonable.
The farm trust alleged that NRCS “…has had little regard for the time and expense these four successive proceedings have cost applicant.” Another quote which will make your blood boil is NRCS told the applicant, “you would not have to go through that…if you would…just accept the decision that was made.” It is important to note in this Illinois case that no attorney fees were sought after the first three appeals were won and two of those three appeals involved full evidentiary hearings.
The NAD appeal division, which is part of the Office of the Secretary of Agriculture, issued a decision on August 8, 2017 which has to be read to be believed. In a six-page decision issued not by a judge but by an Adjudicative Officer, in a twisted decision, said NRCS’s position was “substantially justified” and that special circumstances would not allow it to make an award which would be unjust. The NAD official said it had to be proven to the court that NRCS’s position was not “substantially justified” and that it did not have a reasonable basis in law and in fact.
Remember the assertions made by another judge about how egregious and outrageous NRCS’s actions were against the farm trust?
The adjudicative officer, in denying legal fees and expenses after four losses by NRCS, said NRCS staff could not be found in error because they did not follow federal regulations or established procedures. After all the specific findings by the NAD director and an Administrative Judge, the Adjudicative Officer concluded that NRCS’s action “…was justified to a degree that could satisfy a reasonable person.”
At this point you do have to wonder what has happened to common sense. Remember, the trial judge claimed NRCS relied on unsupported assumptions, was arbitrary and its claims were based purely on conjecture.
If nothing else, this case demonstrates, after four victories, the swamp has not been drained at NRCS.
(This article first ran in Farm Futures on July 31, 2018)
Email this author

Posted in Agriculture | Comments Off on This is Why Farmers Are So Angry at the Federal Government

Outlook Improving for Toll-Financed Interstate Replacement

Share this article on:

I continue to be amazed at how many Americans erroneously believe that (1) the federal government owns the Interstates, and (2) that since they are “already paid for,” using tolls for them would be “double taxation.” Actually, the states own all the Interstates and are fully responsible for maintaining, improving, and replacing them as they wear out. And, since most are nearing the end of their 50-year design life, somebody is going to have to pay to rebuild them, and also to replace major bottleneck interchanges in urban areas and to add lanes where needed. There is no federal program in sight to come to the states’ rescue on this.
At least six states are now seriously contemplating the use of toll financing to rebuild and modernize their aging Interstate highways, and one of them (Rhode Island) is already under way on a modest program to use truck-toll revenue to replace more than 150 structurally deficient bridges. So I was glad to take part in a panel on this subject last month at the Floridians for Better Transportation summer meeting.
My fellow panelists were from toll industry consultants CDM Smith and HNTB. The former has done most of the recent tolling studies in Connecticut, while the latter has done major studies for Wisconsin and Indiana, both states with significant legislative support for toll-financed Interstate modernization. CDM Smith’s Ed Regan pointed out that whereas the federal share of the cost of constructing the Interstates was 90 percent, today federal aid for Interstate projects is less than 45 percent, and states overall are spending $25 billion a year on Interstate maintenance, expansion, and reconstruction. Yet the cost of reconstructing and selective widening of the entire system is in the $1-2 trillion range.
Looking at ways to proceed despite the 1956 federal ban on tolls on the federally funded Interstates, Regan dubbed the three-state federal pilot program (ISRRPP) a failure, since it creates negative incentives for any state that participates—especially the loss of existing federal Interstate funds, and the limitation to only one project per state (creating a “why us?” problem in the affected corridor area). He pointed out two alternatives that states are seriously considering: tolling all lanes under the federal Value Pricing Program and using the bridge-replacement provision of Section 129 of the US code that allows replacement of non-tolled Interstate bridges with tolled bridges. Connecticut and Oregon appear to be leaning toward the former, while the latter is the apparent choice of Indiana, following FHWA’s approval of that method in Rhode Island.
Brad Guilmino of HNTB and I both emphasized the importance of how this subject is presented to legislators and the traveling public. The emphasis in just about every news article on this subject is on how much revenue tolling could bring in. That feeds fears that Interstate tolling is simply a revenue grab, rather than a means to the end of creating a second-generation Interstate system for the 21st century. In my presentation, I stressed customer benefits of a much better Interstate system with enough lanes and less congestion, real service plazas like those on toll roads, and dedicated lanes for heavy trucks, where truck traffic warrants this.
I also explained Value-Added Tolling policies, that would guarantee that new tolls be used only for the capital and operating/maintenance costs of the replacement Interstates, that tolling a corridor would begin only after the reconstruction was completed (value for money), and that toll customers would get rebates on their state fuel taxes for the miles driven on toll-financed replacement corridors. I also noted that the national board of AAA, the largest highway customer organization, has endorsed these policies.
I was also glad to learn that FHWA has been getting up to speed on Interstate tolling. It commissioned CDM Smith to produce a National Interstate Tolling Analysis Tool, which enables sketch-level assessment of the cost of implementing electronic toll collection on any specific Interstate corridor, potential toll revenue, operating costs, etc. Modeled in the system are all one- and two-digit Interstates (e.g. I-5, I-35) but not the three-digit urban Interstates (I-405). Data sources tapped include FHWA’s very detailed Freight Analysis Framework so that costs and benefits to commercial trucking can also be analyzed.
One question that came up in the Q&A concerned the impact on state DOTs of providing rebates of fuel taxes to those who drive on the rebuilt, tolled Interstates. Ed Regan had pointed out that states today, on average, spend 30 percent of their transportation budgets on Interstates. If those Interstates were fully funded by tolls instead, that would free up the current 30 percent for the rest of their transportation needs, and only a fraction of that would be needed for the fuel-tax rebates. One reason for this is that since most state fuel taxes generate 2-2.5 cents/mile from passenger cars, Interstate tolls would likely generate 4-5 cents/mile, so the math is pretty obvious.
(This article first ran in the August issue of Surface Transportation Innovations.)
Email this author

Posted in Transportation | Comments Off on Outlook Improving for Toll-Financed Interstate Replacement

Who’s In Charge Here?

Share this article on:

Restaurant owners may know that open-faced sandwiches are regulated by the federal Food and Drug Administration (FDA), part of the Department of Health and Human Services. But if a second piece of bread is added on top, it is regulated by the Department of Agriculture (USDA). That’s because the USDA has a very specific definition of a sandwich: two slices of bread with the meat in the middle. So, is a hot dog a sandwich? The National Hot Dog and Sausage Council says no, but the State of California says yes. How about a burrito? Massachusetts ruled that a burrito is not a sandwich, but New York says it is. A cheese pizza is regulated by the FDA, but add pepperoni and it becomes a USDA matter. When you make an omelet, FDA regulates the eggs you crack, but if you pour liquid eggs from a carton, it’s USDA.
Regulations can be confusing, sometimes because of vague wording, but often because of overlapping jurisdictions. It is not always obvious who is in charge. Clean water rules are under the jurisdiction of the EPA, but projects that might affect stream water require permits from the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers. A salmon or sturgeon swimming in the ocean is under the jurisdiction of the National Marine Fisheries Service, part of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, Department of Commerce. But if the same fish swims upstream into a river, it becomes province of the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, part of the Interior Department.
Pundits have made fun of such regulatory silliness for years. Hillary Clinton joked about the sandwich rules when running for the Senate 18 years ago. At least two presidents have cited the weird pizza rules, yet nobody did anything about the regulatory mess.
That is the impetus behind a new Trump Administration government reorganization proposal, which could have a dramatic effect on management of Interior, Commerce, USDA, and HHS, among others. In some areas, jurisdictional lines would become much clearer. For instance, all agencies that regulate food safety would be consolidated under the USDA, covering virtually all the foods we eat.
The “civil works” programs at the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers would be moved to the Transportation and Interior Departments, which would better align those missions and eliminate much duplication. The Corps of Engineers is an unusual creature, a military agency headed by angeneral, which reports to a civilian at the Pentagon (Assistant Secretary of the Army for Civil Works), and regulates economic activity that has nothing to do with the Army. The Corps owns and operates dams and water infrastructure, exactly like Interior’s Bureau of Reclamation does.
As an example, in my home State of Colorado, the Corps has Chatfield and Cherry Creek reservoirs, but Reclamation has Blue Mesa, Granby, McPhee, Ridgway, Rifle Gap, and a couple dozen others.
The Corps has always filled a vital military mission, from building fortifications at Bunker Hill, to pontoon bridges for Eisenhower to cross the Rhine. Over the decades, though, Congress also assigned numerous non-military projects like the Panama Canal and Washington Monument, simply because the Corps had engineering expertise. Congress never expected the unfathomable growth of government that resulted in duplicated expertise and conflicting standards across numerous agencies. The Corps is no longer the only agency with such expertise; today it is duplication – costly duplication.
The jurisdictional lines are perhaps most inexcusable in enforcement of the Endangered Species Act. Assigning virtually identical duties to the Fish and Wildlife Service (Interior) and the Marine Fisheries Service (Commerce) never made sense. The theory was that ocean species would be under one agency, land species another. But in practice, it isn’t nearly that clear. Interior has jurisdiction over endangered marine mammals such as manatees and sea otters, and for all sea birds. Commerce has jurisdiction over seals and sea lions, even when they go on land. But a sea turtle on land is under Interior until it jumps into the water, when it becomes a Commerce Department turtle.
Don’t bother trying to make sense of something that makes no sense. This is why such a reorganization is long overdue. There are other aspects of the proposal that might complicate the debate, and it is not at all certain that Congress will agree to any changes. The Obama Administration also tried, unsuccessfully, to consolidate at least the wildlife agencies.
Any change in DC always faces resistance. One report said, “The Washington inertia machine swung into inaction immediately following the release of the report.” Opposition is predictable, but wouldn’t it be nice, in at least some of these situations, to know who is in charge?

E-Mail this Author. 

Posted in Environment | Comments Off on Who’s In Charge Here?