Will Congress Finally Get Tough On Junk Science?

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A growing problem for modern industrialized Western societies is the legion of government agencies and unelected bureaucrats and allied nongovernmental organizations that seem impervious to transparency, accountability or reform. Their expansive power often controls public perceptions and public policies.
Prominent among them are those involved in climate change research and energy policy. In recent years, they have adjusted data to fit the dangerous manmade climate chaos narrative, while doling out billions of taxpayer dollars for research that supports this perspective, and basing dire predictions and policy demands primarily on climate models that assume carbon dioxide now drives climate and weather (and the sun, water vapor, ocean currents and other powerful natural forces have been relegated to minor roles).
Reform is essential. Meanwhile, another troubling example underscores the scope of the problem and the difficulties Congress and other government administrators face when they try to rein in rogue agencies.
In November 2017, the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Science, Space and Technology sent the UN’s International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) a letter raising questions about scientific bias, secrecy and corruption at the agency. When IARC obfuscated the issues, the committee sent a second letter, seeking answers within a week.
Otherwise, the Committee said, it would consider “whether the values of scientific integrity and transparency are reflected in IARC monographs and if future expenditures of federal taxpayer dollars need to continue.” The United States is the IARC monograph program’s biggest contributor, having given it nearly $50 million to date.
Agency director Dr. Christopher Wild bided his time four weeks before replying (many would say rather testily and condescendingly) and concluding: “IARC would be grateful if the House Science Committee would take all necessary measures to ensure that the immunity of the Organization, its officials and experts, as well as the inviolability of its archives and documents, are fully respected.”
Refusing to be cowed, on February 6 the committee held a hearing, “In Defense of Scientific Integrity: Examining the IARC Monograph Programme and Glyphosate Review.” Evidence presented revealed that the monograph program is an antiquated approach that simply tries to determine from laboratory studies whether a particular chemical might cause cancer in test animals, even if only at ridiculously high levels that no human would or could ever be exposed to in the real world.
IARC performs no actual risk assessments that examine the potency of a substance to humans or the level of exposure at which the substance might actually have an adverse effect on people. It thus places bacon, sausage, plutonium and sunlight together in Group 1, its highest risk category: “definitely carcinogenic.” This provides no useful information from a public health perspective, but does give ammunition to activists who want to stoke fear and get chemicals they dislike banned.
IARC’s Group 2B carcinogens include caffeic acid, which is found in coffee, tea, and numerous healthy, must-eat fruits and vegetables, including apples, blueberries, broccoli, kale and onions. This group also includes acetaldehyde, which is found in bread, ginkgo balboa and aloe vera, lead Science Committee witness Dr. Timothy Pastoor noted in his testimony.
As Pastor also pointed out during the hearing, countless chemicals could theoretically cause cancer in humans at extremely high doses – but are completely harmless at levels encountered in our daily lives.
But it’s not just IARC’s overall approach that raises questions. As investigative journalists David Zaruk and Kate Kelland discovered, serious allegations have also been raised regarding the integrity of IARC’s review process. These include evidence that IARC deleted or manipulated data – and covered up major conflicts of interest by agency panel members who were employed by environmental activists and mass tort plaintiff attorneys who are targeting the very chemicals the panelists were reviewing and judging.
IARC’s latest quarry is glyphosate, the world’s most widely used herbicide. The principal ingredient in the weed killer RoundUp, glyphosate is vital in modern agriculture, especially no-till farming.
The European Food Safety Authority, European Chemicals Agency, German Institute for Risk Assessment, US Environmental Protection Agency and other experts all found that glyphosate is safe and non-carcinogenic. So did the 25-year, multi-agency US Agricultural Health Study (AHS), which analyzed data on more than 89,000 farmers, commercial applicators, other glyphosate users and their spouses.
IARC alone says glyphosate is likely a cancer-causing agent – contradicting every other regulatory and reputable scientific body around the world. How could it possibly reach such a different conclusion?
According to Zaruk, Kelland and committee members, IARC deliberately ignored the AHS analysis. The chairman of the IARC working group on glyphosate later admitted in a sworn deposition that this study would have “altered IARC’s analysis.”
When an animal pathology report clearly said researchers “unanimously” agreed glyphosate had not caused abnormal growths in mice they had studied, IARC deleted the problematical sentence.
In other cases, IARC panelists inserted new statistical analyses that effectively reversed a study’s original finding, or quietly changed critical language exonerating the herbicide.
Meanwhile, Dr. Christopher Portier, the “consulting expert” for the working group that labeled glyphosate as “probably” cancer-causing, admitted in his own sworn testimony that – just a few days after IARC announced its guilty verdict – he signed a contract to serve as consultant to a law firm that is suing the chemical’s manufacturer (Monsanto) based on that verdict. Portier collected at least $160,000 just for his initial preparatory work.
Adding to the confusion and collusion, say Committee members, Linda Birnbaum’s $690-million-per-year National Institute for Environmental Health Sciences (in the National Institutes of Health) has been collaborating with the same government agencies, pressure groups, trial lawyers and yet another anti-chemical activist organization, the Ramazzini Institute in Italy.
This is not science. It is corruption distortion and fraud – supported by our tax dollars and used to get important chemicals off the market.
The end result, if not the goal, is to undermine public confidence in science-based risk assessments, lend credibility to activist campaigns claiming numerous chemicals contaminate our foods and poison our bodies, and enable predatory tort lawyers to get rich suing manufacturers and driving them into bankruptcy.
Dr. Wild’s letters clearly suggest that IARC views the Science Committee’s concerns about the agency’s lack of scientific integrity and transparency as irrelevant – as a mere irritant, a minor threat to his agency’s unbridled power … and something the US government will ultimately do nothing to correct.
We will soon find out whether IARC is right – or if Congress is finally ready to play hardball with this unethical UN agency.
It’s also an important test for congressional oversight, spine and intestinal fortitude on holding other deep state agencies accountable for how they spend our money, what kind of science or pseudo-science they support and conduct, and how they will affect or even determine the public policies that in so many ways are the foundation of our economy, livelihoods and living standards.
The Science Committee has also discovered that Vladimir Putin’s Internet Research Agency engaged in significant hacking, to inflame social media and instigate discord over US energy development and climate change policies – while Putin cronies laundered millions to fund radical green organizations. That too must be addressed by Congress and administrative agencies, including the Justice Department.
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Medicaid Expansion: A Huge Budget Risk

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The current budget stalemate over Medicaid expansion is similar to what the state faced in former Governor Terry McAuliffe’s first year in office.
In 2014, in a reversal of players, the State Senate wanted to expand Medicaid through the budget and the House argued that a major policy change such as this deserved to be debated as a separate bill and not by holding the rest of government spending hostage. Today it is the House that wants to expand Medicaid through the budget and the Senate, having realized its error of four years ago, wants to avoid using the budget for this major policy decision.
A major policy change such as expanding Medicaid to some 400,000 or more people deserves a full and vibrant debate in the General Assembly. Tying the state budget to Medicaid expansion tells local governments, police forces, schools, road builders, etc. that their annual funding is being held hostage until this budget impasse is resolved – just as happened four years ago. That is why major policy issues should not be implemented through the state budget. Expansion of Medicaid should be debated, experts brought into serious committee hearings, public debates hosted by various organizations, votes taken by the House and the Senate on their individual bills, and differences hammered out in a conference committee. The House agreed to this four short years ago.
Expanding Medicaid is a risky business for the long term financial health of the state budget. States that have expanded Medicaid have found their budget projections substantially off the mark by hundreds of millions of dollars (examples here). Senator Ryan McDougle has said, “Many of the states that opted to expand Medicaid found themselves in a fiscal quagmire, requiring special legislative sessions to close budgetary shortfalls caused by the program.”
The House started this expansion process when Delegate Terry Kilgore “jumped ship” and urged Medicaid expansion with a tough work requirement similar to what Kentucky has requested from the federal government. Yet the work requirement coming out of the House, according to many in the General Assembly, is weaker than what Kentucky has requested. So the strong work requirement that a vast majority of Virginians desire for all Medicaid recipients (here) won’t be required if the House budget passes as currently formulated.
The House budget supporters tell us that the federal government will pay 90% of the cost for the additional Medicaid recipients. Yet, Speaker Paul Ryan has said that the government can’t afford to continue paying 90% and will have to substantially carve that payment back. The Trump Administration is dedicated to ending Obamacare and this includes the elimination of the Medicaid expansion payments to the states (here). For the House to continue along its current path is fraught with risk.
As has happened in many other states, expanding Medicaid here in Virginia will likely end up costing hundreds of billions of dollars more than projected. Today, Medicaid consumes about 23% of Virginia’s budget. That percentage will surely increase.
Under the House budget plan, hospitals will charge a “bed tax” to all of us who use their facilities to pay Virginia’s part of the proposed expansion. This “bed tax” will be passed on to all of us when we walk into a hospital for needed care. Will the hospitals agree to increase this pass-through “bed tax” when the costs soar and the federal government substantially reduces or eliminates its payments for this expansion?
And on top of all of these problems, the House budget is fully $600 million more expensive than the Senate budget. This means general government spending will continue to increase in the years ahead more quickly than otherwise would happen.
The House budget expands Medicaid with the full knowledge that its projections for future costs are lower than will likely occur based on the experience of states that have expanded this federal entitlement program. This expanded program is likely going to cost hundreds of millions of dollars more in a few short years than the House is now projecting. Medicaid, without expansion, is already 23% of the state’s budget and growing very quickly. And, top of this, government is being expanded by $600 million which means the base spending of general government services will continue to increase far beyond what would otherwise be the case.
The House should remove Medicaid expansion from the budget and then a special session of the General Assembly should be called to focus entirely on whether to expand Medicaid here in Virginia. This is what the House supported four years ago and it still makes good policy sense today.
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Hey, You, Get Onto My Cloud!

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Early this month an obscure Virginia-based company, REAN Cloud, announced a nearly $1 billion deal to provide cloud computing services for the Defense Department, reports the NextGov website. REAN doesn’t build the data centers — it helps customers migrate to commercial cloud environments. Which cloud environments? Amazon Web Services’s cloud environments.
There’s likely to be more business where that came from, as the Defense Department migrates applications, services and data to the commercial cloud. Writes NextGov:
Led by the Defense Innovation Unit Experimental, which acts as a liaison between the Pentagon and industry, the Defense Department is targeting non-traditional suppliers to rapidly provide cutting-edge commercial technologies that address national security and military challenges.
And unlike traditional purchases under the Federal Acquisition Regulation, which can take months or often years to award, [Other Transaction Authorities, OTAs] can be issued in a matter of weeks.
What we’re seeing is a strong shift in the pendulum of those who’d like to replace regular contracting processes with OTAs,” said Andrew Phillip Hunter, director of the Defense-Industrial Initiatives Group at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
Right now REAN is working most closely with Amazon, although it is building relationships with Microsoft, Google, Oracle, IBM, General Dynamics and other major players in the cloud. To get this business, cloud providers have to play by the rules that the federal government establishes for procurement. And if they want that business, as a practical matter, they have to maintain presence in the Washington metropolitan area where they can interact with the Pentagon’s procurement administrators — and perhaps influence the making of the rules.
The federal government is potentially the biggest customer in the world for cloud services, and now it is opening up to private competition. Every cloud provider who wants to compete for that business will have to beef up their presence in the Washington region. Serving the Pentagon will require a lot more than building data centers, most of which will end up in Northern Virginia, but developing a lot of back-end programs — perhaps the kind of work that would be performed at Amazon’s HQ2. It doesn’t make sense to serve the federal cloud market in Boston, Denver, Austin, Toronto or other locales frequently mentioned as potential Amazon favorites. It has to be done in the Washington metro — the closer to the Pentagon and other Defense Department markets, the better.
Knowing Amazon’s voracious appetite for subsidies and other kinds of special treatment, I don’t know whether to treat Amazon’s second headquarters as a blessing or a curse. And I’m not venturing any predictions — I’m sure Amazon has many other considerations than the ones described here. But I wouldn’t be be one bit surprised if the company lands in Northern Virginia.
(This article first ran in the February 28, 2018 edition of Bacon’s Rebellion)
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An Economy Grows on R&D

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Businesses and nations that spend more on research and development grow at a faster pace, according to many studies.
More than half of all R&D expenses on average are attributable to labor, according to an analysis of countries that belong to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development.
Do occupations and industries performing R&D grow faster and continue growing faster than non-research-intensive occupations and industries?
This certainly would be good information for policymakers as they encourage economic growth.
This is not an easy question to answer because R&D is performed by many different occupations, and the Bureau of Labor Statistics does not have one code that classifies R&D as an occupation.
But using job postings data to identify the occupations that most-often referenced R&D in titles serves as a proxy. Computer and information research scientist and mechanical engineers were among the most often identified R&D occupations.
Over the last five years, R&D-related occupations grew at a faster annual average pace – 2.2 percent – than all occupations (at 1.7 percent) in the nation, but rates of growth in engineering and chemical-related occupations were much slower than average.
As a group, employment of R&D occupations (average 2.0 percent per year) are forecast by the BLS to outpace all occupations (average 0.7 percent per year) over the next decade.
To consider the impact of R&D on industries, we calculated the number and percentage of R&D occupations in various industries.
The following top five industries that have the highest percentage of their workforce with R&D skills employ 46 percent of all R&D-related occupations in the nation:

  • Software publishers (27 percent R&D occupations);
  • Management, scientific and technical consulting services (20 percent R&D occupations);
  • Computer systems design and related services (18 percent R&D occupations);
  • Scientific research and development services (12 percent R&D occupations); and
  • Architectural, engineering and related services (8 percent R&D occupations).

By comparison, only 1.5 percent of the workforce in the average industry in the nation are R&D occupations.
Not surprisingly, employment in R&D-intensive industries grew at a faster pace (3.1 percent) than all industries (1.7 percent) over the past year and are forecast to continue growing at a faster pace (1.7 percent) than all industries (0.7 percent).
The two industries employing the smallest percentage of R&D workers (scientific research and development and architectural, engineering and related services) experienced slower employment growth than the national average in the past five years but are forecast to overtake that average over the next 10 years.
These industries and occupations dependent on R&D show an impressive relationship between innovation and growth.
The industries seeking to hire a relatively high concentration of R&D workers are generally industries that have grown faster than average and are expected to continue expanding more quickly.
Likewise, the occupations most associated with research and development show the same pattern of fast job growth.
Given this association, fostering a climate conducive to innovation is a strategy worth considering by economic developers and policymakers to promote a growing, healthy economy.
(This column first ran in Richmond Times Dispatch on February 5,  2018)
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An Economy Grows on R&D

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Businesses and nations that spend more on research and development grow at a faster pace, according to many studies.
More than half of all R&D expenses on average are attributable to labor, according to an analysis of countries that belong to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development.
Do occupations and industries performing R&D grow faster and continue growing faster than non-research-intensive occupations and industries?
This certainly would be good information for policymakers as they encourage economic growth.
This is not an easy question to answer because R&D is performed by many different occupations, and the Bureau of Labor Statistics does not have one code that classifies R&D as an occupation.
But using job postings data to identify the occupations that most-often referenced R&D in titles serves as a proxy. Computer and information research scientist and mechanical engineers were among the most often identified R&D occupations.
Over the last five years, R&D-related occupations grew at a faster annual average pace – 2.2 percent – than all occupations (at 1.7 percent) in the nation, but rates of growth in engineering and chemical-related occupations were much slower than average.
As a group, employment of R&D occupations (average 2.0 percent per year) are forecast by the BLS to outpace all occupations (average 0.7 percent per year) over the next decade.
To consider the impact of R&D on industries, we calculated the number and percentage of R&D occupations in various industries.
The following top five industries that have the highest percentage of their workforce with R&D skills employ 46 percent of all R&D-related occupations in the nation:

  • Software publishers (27 percent R&D occupations);
  • Management, scientific and technical consulting services (20 percent R&D occupations);
  • Computer systems design and related services (18 percent R&D occupations);
  • Scientific research and development services (12 percent R&D occupations); and
  • Architectural, engineering and related services (8 percent R&D occupations).

By comparison, only 1.5 percent of the workforce in the average industry in the nation are R&D occupations.
Not surprisingly, employment in R&D-intensive industries grew at a faster pace (3.1 percent) than all industries (1.7 percent) over the past year and are forecast to continue growing at a faster pace (1.7 percent) than all industries (0.7 percent).
The two industries employing the smallest percentage of R&D workers (scientific research and development and architectural, engineering and related services) experienced slower employment growth than the national average in the past five years but are forecast to overtake that average over the next 10 years.
These industries and occupations dependent on R&D show an impressive relationship between innovation and growth.
The industries seeking to hire a relatively high concentration of R&D workers are generally industries that have grown faster than average and are expected to continue expanding more quickly.
Likewise, the occupations most associated with research and development show the same pattern of fast job growth.
Given this association, fostering a climate conducive to innovation is a strategy worth considering by economic developers and policymakers to promote a growing, healthy economy.
(This column first ran in Richmond Times Dispatch on February 5,  2018)
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